The 9-5-1 decision to bury the remains of the late strongman President Ferdinand E. Marcos at the Libingan ng mga Bayani was as much a victory for the Marcos family as it was with the Court of Last Resort. By its decision, the Supreme Court upheld the rule of law and due process.
So much emotionalism had muddled somewhat the fact that Marcos was a President, a war veteran, a Commander-in-Chief, a national defense secretary, a legislator. These qualify him to be buried at the LNMB as provided for the rules issued by the Armed Forces of the Philippines.
Santa Banana, nobody can question those facts!
While the Supreme Court admitted that human rights had been violated during the Martial Law regime, it also said that the case must be looked at in its totality, setting aside emotions.
As the final arbiter of the rule of law, the nine Supreme Court justices upheld the rule of law as supreme as against the five justices who voted against the burial who cited instances of violation of human rights, plunder and betrayal of the Constitution during the Martial Law regime of Marcos.
I cannot buy the argument of Senior Associate Justice Antonio Carpio who voted along the four “Yellows”—Chief Justice Ma. Lourdes Sereno, Benjamin Caguioa (a former classmate of BS Aquino), Marvic Leonen (a known pro-Aquino justice), and Francis Jardeleza (a former Aquino solicitor general) that Marcos as a soldier was “dishonorably discharged which would make him disqualified to be buried at the LNMB during the People Power Revolution of 1986.
The meaning of “dishonorably discharged,” one of the two disqualifications to merit burial at the LNMB, the other one as having been convicted for moral turpitude, is precise and clear. True, Marcos was exiled after the People Power Revolution, but there was no military court that did it. Besides, a revolution is not legal by any term.
Be that as it may, I wonder if the Supreme Court decision can put a closure to the controversy over the burial at the LNMB as expected at the rate the anti-Marcos people are acting. We had hoped that this issue would finally be put to rest and heal political wounds so the country can move forward. But, my gulay, at the rate the militants and the Marcos haters are going, the political divide is wide as ever with even high officials of government unable to accept the Supreme Court decision.
To me, this is the greater tragedy of our nation. There are always those unable to accept even the decisions of the Court of Last Resort, and only believe in themselves. Because of this malady, we remain divided and fragmented.
I cannot understand why there are those among us who cannot accept the finality of a Supreme Court decision. Like it or, when the gods of Mount Olympus decide, that’s the law.
It’s doubly tragic that as a nation, like crabs in an open basket, we keep on pulling each other down.
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During the third anniversary of the “Yolanda” disaster in Tacloban City, President Duterte discovered that there are still thousands of typhoon survivors without permanent houses. They continue to live in danger zones because of government neglect that borders on criminal negligence.
The government’s resettlement cluster targeted 205,128 housing units for construction during the reign of BS Aquino. The construction was supposed to be under the leadership of the National Housing Authority. The agency received P39.2 billion one of the largest releases for the completion of some 200,000 houses meant for “Yolanda” survivors.
According to the National Economic and Development Authority, as of June 2016, only 23.4 percent of the P9.1 billion of the amount has been disbursed. And in September 2016, a Department of Social Welfare and Development Report cited “Yolanda” survivors’ complaints that up to this date, the houses have not been built.
In the wake of all these, the President should start asking questions. Where did the contributions go? Why was there so much backlog?
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Nur Misuari, chairman of the Moro National Liberation Front, while affirming his commitment to join the peace deals with the government, has reasons to boycott the Moro Transition Commission, which was created by the President through an executive order following a decision to organize a five-person panel to separately engage with the government.
For one thing, Misuari believes that there’s already the 1976 Tripoli Agreement he signed in Tripoli under the Marcos regime. According to Misuari, there was no need for a new law for the Bangsamoro following the Tripoli Agreement when the government and the MNLF agreed to give autonomy to 15 province and 20 cities. Likewise, Misuari believes that there was also the 1996 Final Peace Agreement that provided mechanism to carry out the Tripoli Pact.
Underlying all these is the fact that Misuari believes that the Moro Islamic Liberation Front is a group of “traitors.” The MILF broke away from the MNLF. The fact is that the MILF leaders can never co-exist with the Misuari group. Misuari is Tausug, while the MILF leadership are Maguindanaons and Maranaos—traditionally tribal enemies.
Just how President Duterte will be able to get the MNLF and the MILF united for a peace agreement is now the big question. If he can do it, it will be a feather in his cap, and possible attain peace finally in Mindanao.
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If you are wondering what happened to former Bases Conversion Development Authority President/CEO, Arnel Paciano Casanova, who became the nemesis of the further development of Camp John Hay in Baguio City, preventing its full development, he was taken in as one of the assistants of Vice President Leni Robredo, chairman of the Housing and Urban Development and Coordinating Council.
Insiders of the Office of the Vice President attest to the fact that Robredo has packed her office of “yellows” and former government executives loyal to the past administration. This indicates a the possibility of having Robredo become the Liberal Party candidate for President in 2022.
Santa Banana, is this a Trojan horse in the Duterte administration?
