By Jonathan Dela Cruz
Much has been said about the just-concluded Malaysian general elections which saw the once-invulnerable Barisan Nasional, the multi-racial, multi-cultural coalition which has ruled the Malaysian federation since independence in 1957 anchored on the Malay juggernaut United Malay National Organization toppled by a new coalition, Pakatan Harapan, and the reemergence of Umno’s leader and Malaysian Prime Minister Mahathir Mohamad for 22 years into the driver’s seat.
How will this new coalition headed by Mahathir realistically advance its winning “Change for Malaysia in the 21st century” (ala PRRD) movement in the face of charges that it is actually the same old grouping with a new twist —just a change of leadership?
The Malaysian tsunami, as some observers have called it, was more a vote against then-Prime Minister Najib Razak and his crew who were charged with having mortgaged Malaysia’s future with their corrupt practices and wayward ways.
Of course, as far as we and the rest of the Asean are concerned, we await with bated breath what a new Mahathir, the 92-year-old strongman of Malaysia for 22 years, will bring to the region. After all, we have a number of residual issues with him and his group—from their coddling, if we may call it such, of the secessionist forces in the South, to the unfinished business of our claim to Sabah and, of course, the presence of a Filipino community, both of the transient class as in our OFWs and residents, as in those in Sabah.
These and other issues may find some answers with this very illuminating article “Mahathir: Malaysian Dictator to Giant Killer” from the South China Morning Post which I am abridging for our readers:
Mahathir, known by some as “Tun M” or “Che Det,” excels at returning from the dead. He made MP in 1974 and was appointed to Cabinet by the next Prime Minister, Abdul Razak Hussein—father of the man he beat in the polls this week.
From there, the course was set and his rise to power meteoric. But what shocked many was his turbulent relationship with his former deputy Anwar Ibrahim. Known for their father-and-son-like closeness, few would have anticipated the acrimony that accompanied their split.
After sacking Anwar in 1998, Mahathir denounced him as “morally unfit” for leadership.
Anwar was jailed for up to nine years, charges he maintains were trumped up because of his objections against corruption on Mahathir’s part. But Anwar’s political and personal persecution ignited the Reformasi movement, a slew of mass protests against Mahathir’s government that led to the formation of Parti Keadilan Rakyat. Together with the Democratic Action Party and Parti Islam se-Malaysia, they formed the first true threat to the Barisan Nasional coalition, which until this week had led the country for decades.
Anwar’s coalition would erode the BN’s dominance and its two-thirds majority in parliament in 2008.
Enter Najib, 64, Abdullah’s successor. And while Mahathir continued to serve as his adviser, bully, and mentor, enjoying his retirement while keeping one hand on the wheel; over time the allegations of Najib’s corruption became too much to ignore.
Mahathir took a stand once again, this time not through a hand-picked proxy—there were few remaining who could meet his standards—but by entering the fray himself. He registered a new political party and joined the new opposition coalition, becoming the most vocal critic of those he had formerly collaborated with.
Behind the grandfatherly demeanor and soft-spoken voice was ruthless determination, and age had done little to dull his wits.
Mahathir was known for his skeptical view of human rights. He punished states that stepped out of line such as withholding oil royalties from the state of Terengganu when residents elected an opposition party to government. He approved construction of the Bakun Dam in Sarawak, a project which displaced several thousand indigenous people. The speed with which he dealt with detractors earned him the moniker ‘mahafiraun.’
Mahathir’s relationship with Western powers and his history of anti-Semitic comments earned him a reputation as an irascible strongman in foreign media.
He cultivated a Look East policy and was loudly critical of Western countries and their “arrogance” on all levels—in an infamous letter to a 10-year-old English boy who had requested that Mahathir stop felling rainforests, he wrote back “When the British ruled Malaysia they burnt millions of acres of Malaysian forests so that they could
plant rubber … What your father’s fathers did was indeed disgraceful. If you don’t want us to cut down our forests, tell your father to tell the rich countries like Britain to pay more for the timber they buy from us. Then we can cut less timber and create other jobs for our people.”
Mahathir’s fiercely protective attitude towards Malaysia extends from criticism of British rule to its newly strengthened economic ties with China.
And all his human rights trespasses were momentarily laid aside by the voters on Wednesday night—helped in no small part by his legacy as part of the old guard of Asian politics and grandfather of the nation.
A large portion of the Malaysian electorate possess lasting affection and respect for him because of various successes. Mahathir engineered rapid economic growth. He shifted the country’s economy from agriculturally based to a more industrialized one. He created a sense of civic and national pride through projects.
Love him or hate him—and there seem to be very few bodies who fall in the middle of that spectrum—anyone would be hard pressed to deny that Mahathir has nothing but fierce love for Malaysia.
Asean and the world await Mahathir’s second coming to power with hopes for better relations and a better life for all.