“Observers argue the ICI needs a legislative mandate to truly hold corrupt actors accountable”
THE Independent Commission for Infrastructure is now fully operational, but its path is anything but smooth.
Created via Executive Order 94, the ICI has full subpoena powers and can recommend criminal, civil, or administrative charges. It will operate independently from Congress and traditional agencies like the NBI or PNP, reducing risks of political interference.
With retired Supreme Court Justice Andres Reyes Jr. as chair, and former Public Works Secretary Rogelio Singson and SGV & Co. managing partner Rossana Fajardo as members, the ICI will investigate all national infrastructure projects over the past decade, not just flood control, but also ghost projects, overpricing, and contractor collusion.
But the recent resignation of Special Adviser and Investigator, Baguio Mayor Benjamin Magalong, citing obstruction and lack of support, indicates that its institutional integrity may be questioned later on, with calls emerging for President Marcos Jr. to expand the commission to include respected voices from civil society, media, and the Church.
Moreover, the ICI has limited legal teeth, as it has been given only recommendatory, not prosecutorial, powers. Observers argue it needs a legislative mandate to truly hold corrupt actors accountable.
The fact-finding body can also expect political resistance since allegations implicate sitting lawmakers and contractors with deep political ties.
This raises concerns about interference, selective enforcement, and institutional pushback.
Then there’s also its technical capacity, as infrastructure audits require forensic engineers, accountants, and procurement experts. The commission may need external panels to ensure rigorous review.
It cannot be denied, however, that the creation of the ICI is pivotal for Philippine governance. The ICI could become a transformative watchdog, not just another symbolic gesture.
The ICI has chalked up several accomplishments since its establishment.
One, it has begun to secure high-profile cooperation from whistleblowers.
Former DPWH engineer Brice Hernandez has emerged as a key witness, voluntarily surrendering luxury vehicles and pledging to hand over some more.
Hernandez admitted to involvement in ghost projects and named politicians allegedly receiving kickbacks, including Senators Jinggoy Estrada and Joel Villanueva.
Two, it has already conducted ground-level inspections.
ICI teams have inspected over 300 flood control projects in Quezon City, uncovering that 305 projects worth ₱16B were misaligned with the city’s drainage master plan.
They found that only two out of 331 projects had proper coordination certificates, raising serious questions about oversight and planning.
And three, it has started public engagement and data collection activities. It can already sift through more than 12,000 citizen complaints submitted through the “Sumbong sa Pangulo” platform, many pointing to ghost projects and padded contracts.
What the ICI is likely to focus on next is to expand the geographic scope of its investigations.
It is expected to move beyond Bulacan and Quezon City to other hotspots like La Union, Oriental Mindoro, and Metro Manila, where similar patterns of corruption have been flagged.
We can also expect the ICI to look at contractor networks and their political ties.
A deeper scrutiny of companies that bagged major flood control contracts is necessary to determine whether they have links to campaign donors, relatives of officials, or “nepo babies” flaunting wealth online.
Beyond naming names, the ICI is mandated to propose systemic reforms to include targeting procurement processes, contractor licensing, and inter-agency coordination.
Given the nature of its work, the ICI may also recommend state witness status for key informants and initiate cases before the Ombudsman or the Department of Justice.
All this is well and good.
But perhaps there’s a need to go beyond what it is now doing and propose a robust anti-corruption framework that goes beyond punishment and into prevention.
The post-ICI anti-corruption framework shouldn’t just chase ghost projects but prevent them from being built in the first place.
A multi-layered approach tailored to the Philippine flood control context should be put in place.
These should probably include the creation of a permanent, non-partisan body modeled after the ICI, with rotating leadership and protected tenure that would be mandated to conduct real-time audits and validate project alignment with master plans.
(Email: ernhil@yahoo.com)
