“It was as if a whole nation was placed under the spell of a malevolent spirit.”
This is Part 1 of a series on the hearings in Congress — at the House of Representatives and the Senate — on the conduct of the war against drugs of the Duterte administration.
As soon as he assumed office in 2016, then-President Rodrigo Duterte initiated a brutal war on drugs that resulted in an untold number of deaths, which by some estimates number over 30 thousand, predominantly from urban poor communities. The Philippine National Police has been responsible for thousands of these killings or extra judicial killings (EJKs) while the rest were perpetrated by vigilantes.
Estimates of the number of extrajudicial killings following Duterte’s election have been highly uncertain. Officially, 5,500 suspects were killed in police drug operations. Additionally, around 3,000, or 10% of the 30,000 recorded homicides through mid-2019, were classified as drug-related homicides by unknown perpetrators. However, an independent investigation suggested that drug-related homicides could account for as much as 50% of all homicides, with many not officially recorded by the police. Duterte and his cohorts encouraged and incited these killings.
Despite these killings and very high level of violence, Duterte’s popular support never waned throughout his presidency. Duterte’s populist strategy and emphasis on everyday issues struck a chord with the poor. Despite worries about human rights abuses in his war on drugs, many impoverished Filipinos continued to back him, appreciating his perceived empathy and genuineness. He was seen as a decisive, tough, action-oriented leader who could come up with results. Few dared to voice their opposition over Duterte’s policies, even if he often uttered expletive-laden language or displayed irreverent and ill-mannered behavior in public.
With this overwhelming popular support, the police carried out these killings with near-impunity. Despite numerous reports and investigations, accountability for these killings has been largely absent. The PNP and other security forces have frequently been accused of conducting these operations without fear of being held accountable. Duterte himself openly and fearlessly admitted responsibility for these killings which, under normal circumstances would be denied, concealed, and covered up by a less timorous criminal.
In 2017, SPO3 Arthur Lascañas, a self-confessed hitman of the “Davao Death Squad” (DDS), along with Edgar Matobato, executed affidavits implicating Duterte in numerous killings in Davao. Lascañas claimed the DDS was responsible for hundreds of killings, many ordered directly by Duterte. His statements drew significant international attention, aiding the ICC’s investigation into Duterte’s alleged crimes against humanity. After years in hiding, Lascañas resurfaced in early 2024, reiterating his allegations and participating in public interviews, stating he felt safer now that Duterte is no longer in power.
Edgar Matobato in an interview revealed that as early as 1988, then Mayor Duterte formed an assassination squad known as “Lambada Boys” to kill criminals in Davao. These damning revelations did not generate any discernible public outcry.
Except in the case of Kian De Los Santos, whose death sparked widespread outrage and protests across the Philippines as well as international condemnation, rarely did the families of the thousands of victims obtain justice. Three police suspects for Kian’s murder were meted up to 40 years imprisonment.
Aside from the high approval ratings enjoyed by the Duterte administration, fear and intimidation created by the EJKs and the targeting of critics and human rights defenders discouraged many from speaking out. The threat of violence or retribution was a significant deterrent. The media also played a significant role, with some outlets supporting Duterte’s policies and others facing pressure and threats. This led to a fragmented media landscape where critical voices were sometimes overshadowed. Then, there is the economic factor such as poverty which was the more immediate concern than human rights abuses. Moreover, Duterte was perceived as a tough, an authentic individual who brooks no nonsense.
The case of Senator Leila De Lima is emblematic of the fate of those who dared oppose Duterte. In 2016, the Duterte allies in the Senate removed then Senator de Lima as head of the committee because she allowed the testimony of Edgar Matobato to tarnish the image of the popular president. We now all know what happened to De Lima who was charged with trumped up cases via testimony of known convicts, and imprisoned despite her innocence. These polluted witnesses have since recanted their false testimonies, leading to the eventual dismissal of the cases against her. De Lima was maligned to high heavens by high government officials with the complicity of some members of Congress. As a result, the killings continued without let up.
It was as if a whole nation was placed under the spell of a malevolent spirit that wrecked our lives and robbed us of our sense of decency and humanity.
Accountability for the killings remained far-fetched and a remote possibility…until a new administration came to power.
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