It’s already the middle of the year and indications are that the mid-term polls for senators and local officials will happen. All the talk about elections going to be shelved to make way for a federal and parliamentary form of government has subsided. This sweeping change won’t happen just yet without amending the 1987 Constitution.
This is the basis and foundation why a consultative committee has been formed—to lay the groundwork for change in the form of government, ban on political dynasties, and the proposal to have the president and vice president elected together for teamwork and continuity in their program of government. These are ideal changes if they can be incorporated in the draft of a new charter.
To scuttle the committee would be a politically wrenching move even for Duterte administration allies. For sure, those aspiring to be either president or prime minister would want to be in place either as senator, congressman, governor or mayor so that they will still be in power for the big shift. This is more true for senators and congressmen who desire to be members of parliament. This is why re-electionist senators and several newcomers have already announced their candidacies.
One can imagine the storm of protests at this early stage from aspirants for president or prime minister if their agenda is dashed. Unless, of course, President Duterte declares a status quo and all the current officials are made to stay in a holdover capacity. This was done by the late President Cory Aquino at the start of her revolutionary government after the fall of Marcos in February 1986. Elections were held only after a new Constitution was drafted.
President Rodrigo Duterte knows this and he does not want to complicate his problems with the Bangsamoro Basic Law already in the works and the on-and-off talks with Joma Sison’ s Communist Party of the Philippines and the National Democratic Front.
Digong is an astute politician. He wants the situation stable while he makes his calibrated move to have total control without declaring emergency rule or martial law. He has in fact total control already of all three branches of government. With Maria Lourdes Sereno removed, he has the option to name a new Chief Justice and appoint the replacements of the associate justices who are soon retiring. The chairperson of the Office of the Ombudsman—Conchita Carpio Morales—is set to retire in July. The Palace controls the House of Representatives and the Senate is now presided over by Palace ally Tito Sotto. This is not to mention that the Philippine National Police and the Armed Forces of the Philippines are at the President’s command.
President Duterte will be at the halfway point of his six-year term on June 30 next year. Does he really want to just go back to his hometown of Davao? Skeptics doubt this. Power is intoxicating and history has shown us that once you get a taste of it, it’s hard to let go.
Thus we saw how the late strongman Ferdinand Marcos stretched his presidency to nearly 20 years, while former President Fidel V. Ramos wanted to seek a second term by launching a signature campaign for him to forego the six-year single-term limit.
A shift to parliamentary/federal form under a new Constitution is subject to ratification in a plebiscite or referendum. In the end, it will still be the people who will have the final say.
Or so we hope.
