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Thursday, March 28, 2024

Duterte’s aborted run

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Though his life is an open book, and he lives in a glass house, and his statements blunt that they don’t have to be parsed for hidden meanings, Digong Duterte can sometimes be “a riddle wrapped in a mystery inside an enigma.”

Because of this, no Monday morning quarterbacking or weekend post mortem would be able to fully explain why he cancelled his appointment with history. We all know what happened Black Friday—by the time the sun had set, he had broken a million hearts by just uttering one word: “No.”

I also belong to the clueless millions. But here’s my theory on why he did not take the leap of faith: The man was not simply consumed by the burning ambition to be President.

Others would give an arm, pawn the Republic’s riches, issue IOUs to funders for a sliver of hope, even a Chinaman’s chance, to become President, which some of them in fact claim as a birthright etched in some hidden coat of arms of their clan.

He had everything going for him. Sans TV ads, his poll numbers were rising. Despite being a lone-wolf campaigner —he did not seek refuge in packs otherwise known as political parties—support groups were mushrooming. Instead of soliciting it, he was spurning monetary contributions. He had no rah-rah boys in Congress who can fill an FX van. He only had volunteers who can fill Luneta.

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Yet, everything was going for him that the last day of filing in Comelec became a Countdown-for-Duterte show, relegating others to sideshows.

In the checklist for a launch, all the boxes had been crossed out. But he did not press the launch button.

* * *

Even as a candidate, Digong was a renegade. And this charming unconventionality is probably his endearing trait.

While other presidential wannabes would couch their statements in safe language, Digong’s statements were neither rehearsed nor filtered by the political-correctness police.

He wanted to padlock Congress, declare a revolutionary government, bring the Reds in as a coalition partner—statements which if uttered by others would have led to their being raked over the coals. But for Digong, these only fired up his growing base.

Even his “listening tour” veered away from standard talking points. Review the tapes of all his speeches and this would emerge: He was endorsing all the candidates—Mar, Grace, Binay, Miriam —except him. So this could be the basis of his oft-repeated statement that never for one moment did he say that he was gunning for the presidency.

Yes, he went on a roadshow, but to pitch for federalism and not himself.

Even his sorties were unconventional. There were no bused-in crowds to give canned applause on cue. There were no twerking curtain-raisers. While others would dwell on light stuff for fear that they would give their audience a “nosebleed,” Digong was lecturing like the law professor that he once was.

For him, there was no low common denominator that he should stoop down to. So he talked about the otherwise bland topic of federalism for hours and it did not bore his audience. Only he can get away with marathon teach-ins.

Maoists have spent half a century preaching about “isms” with little traction. Digong needed only months to preach about federalism and he was able to make converts out of millions.

* * *

This is the Duterte paradox. He has left the race, but his influence lingers. He has abandoned his ambition, but he has implanted his cause. He had exited the stage, but he has entrenched his presence even more. 

He has left a residue that will affect the campaign and the candidates. What Duterte did was to write the agenda for 2016. He has listed the job qualifications of the next president. He has drafted a what-is-to-be-done memo to the country. These, to many, is the benefit of an aborted Duterte run.

First, he’s telling us to use performance as a benchmark in selecting our leaders, to eschew sound bites, cute memes, or staff-generated quotable quotes, for the boring prose of real track record. He has Davao to tout as Exhibit A of his managerial acumen. I wonder what others would show for.

Second, he is putting Mindanao on the agenda. When presidencies are won or lost by a couple of hundred thousand votes, those who want to win should nail Mindanao, with its 13 million votes, as a major plank in his platform.

Third, he is echoing the concerns of local governments. Federalism is power to the people, phrased otherwise.

Fourth, he’s telling candidates not to ignore the Bisaya-speaking peoples. Whoever sits in Malacañang next must first excite this part of the country as well as Duterte does.

Fifth, Duterte’s image as a law-and-order executive will ensure that curbing criminality will be main topic of the forthcoming presidential derby. This issue is on the front burner.

Sixth, Duterte has said that the next President should be secure and mature enough to crowdsource talent, reach out to adversaries, and even cobble together a government from competitors, some sort of a “team of rivals” in the Lincoln mold.

The next President should make a mental note of this.

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